Hakka - An Important Element of Chinese Culture

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Updated : 08/14/02

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Jiaying dialect speakers and Hakka Identity – Past, present and future

嘉應方言使用者與客家認同 過去、現在與將來

Chunfat Lau and Pak-Sing Chow

劉鎮發、周柏勝

Dept. of CBS, Hong Kong Polytechnic University

香港理工大學中文及雙語學系

96981339r@polyu.edu.hk

 

Summary in English:

To date, the term "Hakka" seems unambiguous to mean a subgroup of Han Chinese, whose ancestors came from the Central Plains in five waves of migratory motions. As the plains around the coastal areas were already occupied by aborigines, they were forced to live in the mountainous area of Eastern Guangdong, Western Fujian and Southern Jiangxi. They kept the customs and language of their ancestors for thousands of years and felt that they were different from the barbarous groups around them. As they were also granted "Kehu" status meaning "guest families", they were proud of this identity and began to call themselves "Ke" or "Kejia", or in their language "Hakka".

So much for the textbook version of "Hakka". But if we examine this description under the magnifying glass, then there are many questions that arise. Some have been answered by recent studies, but still more need to be dealt with in the near future. In short, the seemingly convincing story does not match with the historical facts, field observations, interview answers and scientific data. In this paper, we want to give a full account of the birth and development of the Hakka identity, including the fabrication of a myth to unite all Hakka speakers. As the loopholes of this myth become more and more visible, the basis for Hakka identity is found to be built upon soap bubbles. Moreover, as the Hakka dialect is now endangered by the strong movement towards Cantonese, Minnan and Mandarin dialects, this symbol for Hakka unity may vanish altogether as the bubble breaks.

Despite the above observations, we suggest that Hakka identity deserves survival into the future. Nevertheless, it should not be made of myths, but be instead compatible with historical facts. The sense of superiority based on a belittling attitude towards neighboring groups, is a hallucination and hurts the survival of Hakka as a group. Hakka people are now found to share the same origin, same genetics and same language as most Chinese groups in the South, and cannot be distinguished by their migration history, molecular biology and linguistics. Hakka evolved as a group quite recently simply because of a dispute with another brother group, the Cantonese. But now Hakka people are a distinct group shown by their customs and language, and should continue to be so if Chinese people know how to respect each other, which is a basic element for democracy.

 

中文摘要:

今天﹐客家”這個名字好像已經是毫不含糊地﹐對漢族一個民系的稱呼。他們的祖先由中原經過五次大遷徙來到華南﹐因為沿海的平原已經被土著佔據﹐所以只能在廣東、福建和江西間的山區落戶。由於他們保持了祖先的語言和習慣﹐經千年而不衰﹐所以他們覺得跟鄰近的民族不一樣。而他們南遷時曾經被稱為客戶”﹐所以引以為榮﹐自稱客”或客家”﹐發音也就是Hakka

這是一般書本的描述。但如果我們將這說法加以推敲﹐便會發現不少問題。有些已經被近年的研究所回答﹐但更多的還有待以後努力。這個表面看來完美無瑕的故事﹐已找到有許多不符合歷史事實、田野調查、問卷回答及自然科學的數據。在這篇論文中﹐我們打算將客家認同的誕生和發展﹐包括塑造客家神話的來團結客家人的經過﹐作一個深入的探討。今天﹐在這個神話的漏洞越來越大的同時﹐我們也發現客家認同是建立在一個泡沫上的。當粵語、閩南語、普通話的強勢向客家伸延日益嚴重的時候﹐客家團結的符號也會隨泡沫上的破滅而瓦解。

雖然如此﹐我們覺得客家認同有它的價值和前途。但是它不能也不要建立在神話上﹐而是跟歷史事實相符。客家人建基於貶低其他民系的優越感不只是一個幻覺﹐而且還是客家認同的致命傷。客家人在來源、語言和遺傳上跟華南其他的人民并無二致﹐而不能以他們的遷移歷史、基因構造和語言歸類來區別。客家只是一個最近才出現的民系﹐主要是因為跟廣府人的衝突而產生的。但今天客家是一個在語言習慣上跟別人不同的民系﹐並應繼續保留自己的身份﹐條件是中國人懂得如何互相尊重﹐也就是民主的一個主要前提。

Key words: Jiaying dialect speakers (嘉應方言使用者), Hakka ethnic group (客家民系), Hakka identity (客家認同), Interethnical relationship (族群關係)

 

 

I Introduction

To date, the term "Hakka" seems unambiguous to mean a subgroup of Han Chinese, whose ancestors came from the Central Plains in five waves of migratory motions. As the plains around the coastal areas were already occupied by aborigines, they were forced to live in the mountainous area of Eastern Guangdong, Western Fujian and Southern Jiangxi. They kept the customs and language of their ancestors for thousands of years and felt that they were different from the barbarous groups around them. As they were also granted "Kehu" (客戶) status meaning "guest families", they were proud of this identity and began to call themselves "Ke"() or "Kejia" (客家), or in their language "Hakka".

However, new discoveries in Hakkaology found that the above version does not match with present and historical facts. The main flaw came from the misconception that all Jiaying dialect speakers (JDS) have thought themselves as being and were recognised as being Hakka for a long period of history in all areas. In reality, JDS are not found to have call themselves Hakka until quite recently, say within the last 200 years in mixed Hakka-Cantonese areas; for a century ago in Meixian; since 1945 in Taiwan; and not until the eighties in Sichuan. Much more JDS are called or named themselves by terms other than Hakka. That means, JDS are not automatically "Hakka" by themselves, but they were named or told to name themselves so.

The textbook version of Hakka was a misunderstanding of history due to the creation of a common superior feeling among JDS. If we investigate the historical events and censuses, we can almost conclude that most Southern Chinese, i.e. Cantonese, Hakka and Minnan alike, are descendents from the Northern immigrants, who can all fit the textbook definition of Hakka.

In this paper, we show why JDS got the name Hakka, and evolved into an ethnic group because of conflict with Cantonese when some of them migrated into the Pearl River Delta (PRD) about 300 years ago. The sense of Hakka identity then spread back to their original homeland and to other parts of JDS populations. Because of the economic and population dominance of Cantonese speakers, and because the dispute in PRD between the two dialect groups is now over, most JDS (or their descendents) have now given up their Hakka identity, and the Hakka language and culture there are vanishing with a high speed. Similar assimilation processes are now observed in Taiwan and other regions where JDS are of a population minority. This is detrimental for the preservation of the Jiaying language and culture as a group.

Although we show that the Hakka theory is built on flaws, we still think that JDS under the name Hakka as a group should continue to keep their culture and dialects. The rise and fall of a Hakka identity for the JDS demonstrates the narrow-mindedness of the Chinese mentality, which has the tendency to belittle other groups in order to build up its own standing amongst JDS. We should now learn to appreciate the language and culture of other groups, seeking for cooperation and coexistence instead of dispute, discrimination and forcing other groups to assimilate.

II. Conflicts and Misunderstanding between JDS and Cantonese

A. JDS and Hakka in the Past

JDS in the past were no more than simply "Tangren" (唐人), "Yueren" (粵人) or "Chengxiangren" (程鄉人) as shown by pre-Qing historical documents. The term "Kejia" to mean an ethnic group or language was never seen in books or papers before the seventeenth century (Leong, 1982, Hu, 1997). County gazettes (Xianzhi, 縣志) of many "purely Hakka dwelling" counties did not mention themselves as being Hakka before the 19th Century. On the contrary, the name "Hakka" did begin to appear in county gazettes of "mixed Hakka dwelling" counties until the beginning of Qing dynasty around 1700. Also, "Kejia" was never mentioned in historical documents of Hakka speaking areas in Taiwan or Sichuan, instead, they wrote "Yueren" or "Guangdongren (廣東人)" (Cui, 1996). The term "Kejia" has never been found in genealogical records (Zupu, 族譜) of Hakka speakers (Chen, 1996). On the contrary, the claim for "Chinese" was always emphasized, as they always mentioned the most prominent figures in Chinese history to illustrate the "Chineseness" of their roots.

According to their study in Southern Jiangxi, Liu and Wan (1992) also concluded that there were "no people calling themselves Hakka, ans no ethnic group existed as Hakka before the end of the Ming Dynasty (ca 1600)". The Pengmin (棚民) of Northern Jiangxi, whose ancestors were also composed largely of JDS, did not get named Hakka, nor do they have any sense of being "Hakka" (Leong, 1997).

Although there are many claims that the "Hakka" were formed in the Song dynasty or shortly after it (Luo, 1933, Wang, 1995), there is no concrete evidence to show that the JDS around Meizhou (then Jianying prefecture, 嘉應府) had recognized themselves as being Hakka between 1200 and 1800. If Hakka was a term in the daily language, it seems incredible that it had left no trace in the literature, including mountain songs before the Qing dynasty. Therefore, the observations that "Hakka" consciousness is a product of the "Hakka-Punti" (Bendi, 本地, locals) dispute (Leong, 1997; Constable, 1996) should be a correct interpretation.

B. JDS as intruders into Cantonese and Non-Cantonese speaking areas

According to Leong's study (Leong, 1997), the expansion of JDS began after the middle of the Ming dynasty as a result of the economical cycles. They began to move westward to Northern Guangdong, Huizhou, Boluo, and also southwards to Chaozhou speaking regions. This resulted in local disputes, but as the government officials regarded them as Chinese, they ended up to having the right to stay there. Due of the Xiangyue (鄉約) system, they were always grouped together and they built up their own villages, which resulted in Hakka dialect islands. But at the end of the Ming dynasty, they were at least recognized as "normal" inhabitants of Huizhou prefecture, because the county gazette written in the years of Jiajing (嘉靖, ca 1550) mentioned no "Hakka" as a minority. Instead, many Hakka expressions were listed as part of the dialect of the county. Therefore, these JDS immigrants had not named themselves "Hakka", nor were they recognized as being so, soon after their settlement in the area.

Due of the immense population pressure, JDS were always ready to leave their home. When the Qing government lifted up the "coastal ban" in 1669, they found a golden opportunity for expansion. For example, in the county Xinan(新安), which included today's Shenzhen and Hong Kong, the Cantonese speaking aboriginal inhabitants were forced to leave their home in 1661 so that the government could break down the link between them and the rebelling force of Zheng Chenggong (鄭成功) (Ng, 1982). This caused great casualties to life and property along the coast of Guangdong. When the ban was lifted, the area was severly depopulated. The government encouraged people from inland to fill up the coastal regions. In doing so, immigrants even received grants if they claimed themselves to be "Keji" (客籍, new immigrants). Tens of thousands of families from the Jiaying prefecture packed the journey southwestwards to look for a new abodes. Described as the fourth wave of migration in Luo's account (Luo, 1933), this was the only crucial step for the formation of Hakka (Leong, 1997).

In the eyes of the Cantonese people, the JDS were no more than a group of barbarians from the eastern mountains. However, they did enjoy a period of peace and symbiosis at the beginning when the Cantonese landlords needed labor (Ng, 1983). However, the situation worsened when the Cantonese felt that these "barbarians" threatened their survival. More and more JDS bought land from their Cantonese landlords and built their own towns. Some Cantonese began to flee away from their own homes and left the whole area for the intruding JDS, as exemplified by the Mai () family of Pingshan town in Shenzhen (Xiao, 1992).

In western Guangdong, JDS came somewhat later, around 1800. The influx was of another mode and the conflicts were greater those of their eastern coast of the Pearl River (Leong, 1997). Most of the JDS were exploring the hilly parts of the land, and they came to occupy these upland areas of the country. Later, in 1850, a great war broke out between the two groups.

To summarize, the expansion of JDS towards the East River area began in the middle of the Ming Dynasty (around 1500) in the general direction of Shaozhou, Huizhou and Chaozhou. In the case of Shaozhou and Huizhou, they eventually became the dominant groups and were not regarded as "foreign" soon afterwards. The intrusion of JDS into the Cantonese speaking areas took place somewhat later, with the largest influx between the 18th and the 19th Century. This process faced great resistance from the locals and the term "Hakka" was coined in this period.

C. Mutual misunderstanding - Who are the "snakes"?

Except for the Chaozhou/Minnan speakers, who are named "Hoklo", many JDS used to call their neighbors "Snake (Sa)". In the Jiaying dialect, "Sa" is the homonym for the name of a minority in Eastern Guangdong, the "She" folk (畬族). The reason for this misunderstanding is twofold: firstly, the JDS distinguish themselves from the "snakes", who are barbarians in their eyes, since JDS considered themselves as the only legitimate Chinese. Secondly, they regarded all non-JDS in their neighborhood as "snakes", even when JDS were no longer in their homeland. The following table lists the locations where JDS call the locals "snakes":

Location

People to be called symbol 147 \f "Times New Roman" \s 12"}Snakesymbol 148 \f "Times New Roman" \s 12"}

Reference

Xinfeng County

symbol 147 \f "Times New Roman" \s 12"}Shuiyuansymbol 148 \f "Times New Roman" \s 12"} speakers

Zhou, 1990

Boluo County

Cantonese speakers

Yang, 1992

New Territories, HK

symbol 147 \f "Times New Roman" \s 12"}Weitousymbol 148 \f "Times New Roman" \s 12"} (a Subgroup of Can.) speakers

Lau and Chow, 1996

Zhongshan County

Zhongshan Cantonese speakers

Lin, 1994

On the other hand, the JDS are not different from the "She" in the eyes of Cantonese and Chaozhou speakers. The term "Ke" (in Chaozhou dialect as "Kek" or "Keklang", in Cantonese as "Hak" or "Hakka") also implies two things: it can mean "foreigners" or "She". One reason is that the She minority used to call themselves "Hak" or "Sanhak" (山客). In many historical documents they are described as "She-ke" (畬客) (Shi, 1987). Therefore "Ke", "Kek" or "Hakka" in the vocabulary of Cantonese or Chaozhou speakers is understood as nothing more than "invading She barbarians".

The idea that the term "Hakka" is a synonym for "She", or that JDS could have originated from "She", is opposed by most JDS who accept the name Hakka nowadays. When we investigate the customs of both the JDS and She people, we can find some basic differences between them. The former group are able to eat dogmeat, while the latter regarded dogs as their ancestors. Moreover, JDS forbid the marriage between people of the same surname, while in "She" society, this is not uncommon (Shi, 1987). Therefore, culturally, there has alsways been sharp demarcation between the two groups in their belief and customs. No JDS wants to be "She"; on the contrary, they even use the name "She" as a derogatory label for other groups. However, the Cantonese and Hoklo did not care such distinctions, because the intruding JDS were barbarians in their eyes. "Hakka" or "Kak" as a label already bears the meaning of the barbarous "She".

III. Formation of Hakka identity

A. Retaliation against misunderstanding – Fabrication of a "superior" identity

The awakening of a Hakka identity, however, is shown to be recent and continuing. Whether they like it or not, JDS have been named Hakka since their migration into the PRD. After the end of the Hakka-Cantonese war, the dispute carried on with polemics (Hu, 1997). At the beginning of the 20th Century. JDS, now as Hakkas, were continuously insulted by Cantonese writers as an "uncivilized group" from the northeast of the province, in magazines or textbooks. Many prominent Hakkas reacted vigorously, and the retaliation was successful, resulting in apologies or amendments. One the whole, all JDS were united for the first time, involving not only the Cantonese county intruders, but also those of the homeland.

B. Misunderstanding the origin of the name "Hakka"

The creation of a Hakka identity was far from a simple process. The claim of the JDS scholar Xu Xuzeng (徐旭曾) in 1808 was only a beginning, that was only weakly echoed. From a county of mixed locals and Hakkas, Heping County (和平縣), Xu felt the name of "Hakka" was a term of address used by the Cantonese speakers. In his Fenghui Zaji (豐湖雜記), as a Manifesto for Hakka, he assumed that name "Hak" (Ke) was so called by Cantonese speakers because Hakkas were immigrants from the Central Plain, descendents of true Chinese (Luo, 1933).

As indicated above, "Hakka" was a name coined by Cantonese, but the meaning has been reinterpreted by JDS themselves to their own advantage. The analogue would have been formed if Cantonese had picked up the name "Sa" (Snake) to represent their group, and glorified the term.

This mistake was, however, crucial to the formation of the Hakka identity. Because of the ambiguity of the term "Hakka", both groups can continue to interpret the term in their own ways. Whereas the Cantonese added the insulting radical for the dog (犬字旁) to the two characters representing Hakka in the 1920's (Hu et al, 1997), Luo Xianglin was trying to convince the world that the etymology of the term had emerged from "Kehu" (客戶) by AD 400 (Luo, 1933).

C. Invention of a Hakka myth and derision of other neighboring groups

Luo's claim about the origin of Hakka serves as the spiritual support of the JDS. Although the theory of the origin of Hakka was no more than a repetition of Xu, they were now backed up with carefully chosen "historical facts". Hakkas were a result of five waves of migration as mentioned in the beginning of this paper. Hakka people were ethnic Chinese, and even of purer blood than the other neighboring groups, who are mixed with barbarians, or "adulterated" in the eyes of Hakkas.

Here we do not want to list out the facts to nullify this theory, which has been mentioned elsewhere. The most important weakness of this theory, however, lies in the derogatory view on the neighboring groups, a Hakka version of racism. Luo also failed to keep his promise for a detailed account Cantonese and Hoklos (Luo, 1933), which makes a contrast of the three groups impossible. There is new evidence to illustrate that at least the first three of the five waves of migration are common for all Southern Chinese (Chen, 1997). In genealogical records, for example, Cantonese, Chaozhou and JDS are sharing common founders as late as in the Ming dynasty. Therefore, the notion of a pure Hakka line is more of an imagination based on racial prejudice than a fact. We will come back to other evidence that deny the existence of an ethnical Hakka group before the end of Ming dynasty in section 2. As a conclusion, the formation of Hakka as postulated by Luo is more a myth than historical reality.

D. Results of a created identity

1. "Hakka" no more a synonym for "barbarian".

Although we stress that the story supporting the Hakka identity is fabricated, it did help to unite and awake the sense of belonging to JDS speakers. In the early thirties, when Luo's theory first came to light, the Cantonese could no longer say that the Hakka were equivalent to barbarians. Being equally Chinese, or even more Chinese as argued by Luo, the insults on Hakka stopped altogether. Luo's version of Hakka origins went into textbooks, encyclopedia and dictionaries, and also affected the framework of dialectologists and historical linguists (Yuan, 1960; Zhan, 1980).

To date, when people mention Hakka, the Cantonese sense originally of derision is totally inhibited, and the Hakka interpretation dominates. This has become the unifying force for JDS and their descendants overseas, and is a positive factor for the Chinese consciousness.

2. The Meixian accent accepted as a symbol for Hakka

In the formation of a unifying Hakka identity, the Meixian accent plays a central role in the whole process. The Hakka dialect in the narrow sense means the Jiaying dialect spoken in Meixian, or today's Meizhou city. In the past century, as all JDS over Guangdong were uniting to protect against their neighbors, the Meixian accent served as the lingua franca. The Hakka speakers regarded the Meixian accent as the paragon of the hakka tongue, and up to now most JDS regions have used the Meixian accent as the standard (Xie, 1997).

In the formation of an ethnic group, a unifying language is crucial. In doing so, the Cantonese speakers have been successful in using the Canton dialect to symbolize their ethnicity. Parallel to this development is the use of the Meixian accent among Hakkas, even if their mother tongue differs significantly from the "standard". This has also been possible for the JDS around the world to find a sense of belonging when they hear the tongue, and hold meetings in this accent. Nowadays, the Meixian accent is also available in dictionaries and treated as an independent dialect among the seven main dialects of Chinese.

IV. Evidence of a Misunderstanding for the Hakka Identity

As pointed out above, Luo's theory has been found to contain a lot of flaws. We are not aiming to find fault with Luo, however, we are not satisfied to rely upon such a handicapped theory to support an important objective. In short, if we find that the Bible contains obvious flaws, then it would be hard for anyone to preach. Here we can list at least four pieces of evidence that contradict Luo's theory.

A. Physical anthropological findings - Similarities between all southern people

The similarities between the Southern groups were illustrated clearly by molecular analysis of immunoglobins. In a paper by Zhao et al (1991), it was shown that Hakka (Meixian) are genetically most related to Cantonese (Canton). As a criterion for racial relationship, the result is clear-cut. Similar result with Hakka and Cantonese are obtained by comparing the She minority in Jingning and Mandarin speaking population of Liuzhou (Guangxi). Although the Min group had a somewhat different result than the Hakka-Cantonese, they were nevertheless more related to the populations in Guangdong than the Northern group. If Hakkas are really pure blood descendants from the north and Cantonese speakers are natives in Guangdong, contradicting the fact that both groups have the similar immunoglobins.

Moreover, there are more shared genetic diseases between Hakka and Southern Chinese, than Hakka with northerners, such as G6PD (Qiu, 1998) and nasopharyngeal carcinoma (Note 1). These two diseases are insignificant among the Northerners, but are common among Southerners. All these scientific data point out that Hakka, Cantonese and some neighboring groups are biologically so related that they cannot be treated as separate groups among the families of ethnic Chinese. The following table is a brief account of the frequencies of the males patients among different groups:

  Hakka Cantonese Minnan Northerners, etc Non-Chinese
G6PD 10.3% 4-5% (H. K.) 2.5% 0.3% ---
NPC 0.126% 0.329% (H.K.) 0.141% 0.03 - 0.05% 0 - 0.05%

B. Linguistic findings and demography of Guangdong

Another piece of evidence to contradict Luo is found in linguistics. Although most dialectologists regard Hakka and Cantonese as separate dialects due to the influence of Luo's theory, some people also found that the two dialects share many basic characteristics in common with Min (Lin et al, 1995; Norman, 1989). The first author of this paper has also discovered that about half of the basic vocabulary is shared by both dialects, which cannot be a result of borrowing (Lau, 1997), and the amount of sharing with neighboring minorities are also similar (Lau, 1998). By calculating the 100 basic words between the two dialects, Xu (1992) has also found that Hakka and Cantonese separated from each other for only less than 700 years. The implication is that the two dialects indeed only diverged from a "mother tongue" only since the beginning of the Yuan dynasty. Although Xu could not explain his results, his method is scientific and the data are reliable. Here I also want to list out a few important basic cognates Hakka and Cantonese that remind us of their close relationship:

Meaning

PTH

Hakka

Cantonese

be

shi4

he4

hai6

he

ta1

gi2

keoi5

negation

bu4

m2

m4

so, in this way

zhe4me

an3

gam2

what

shen2me

mak5ge6

mat1je5

plural suffix for personal pronouns

men2

deu1, den1

dei6

possessive suffix

de5

ge4

ge3

house

fang1zi

vuk5

uk5

home

jia1li3

vuk5ka1

uk5kei2

Cooker

guo1

vok6

vok6

Put on clothes, shoes

chuan1

zok5

zoek3

Our explanation is simple: Hakka and Cantonese (and also some Minnan speakers) arrived Guangdong and neighboring regions at the end of the Song dynasty, and they probably spoke the standard tongue of that time. They came to Guangdong via different routes and settled down in different regions, mixed with the minorities there, but they dominated the minorities in number, economic strength, language and culture. None of them came to the idea of naming themselves Hakka, nor did they call each other so before they confronted each other.

The Cantonese are also immigrants from the North who share physical and linguistic characteristics of JDS who were later called Hakka. The demography of different regions in Guangdong during the past millenium may help us to interpret the case. The population of the PRD was 0.22M in AD 742, but declined to 0.21M in 1080, before it rose to 0.81M in 1391 and ca 2 Million in 1729. Cantonese speakers are mainly descendants of northern immigrants after the Song dynasty. For the Meizhou region, the population was sparse before the Ming dynasty, with only 22 thousand inhabitants in the beginning of Ming Dynasty, but rose to 3.17 million at the end of Qing. They came from western Fujian at the beginning of the Ming dynasty.

C. Lack of Hakka identity in Guangdong and other provinces until recently

The most important clue that we have is that before the 18th Century, JDS in some parts of Guangdong and JDS emigrants from Guangdong to other provinces like Sichuan, Jiangxi, Guangxi and Taiwan has no sense of a Hakka identity at all until about a few decades ago. They continued to recognize themselves as Yueren or Guangdongren, showing a sense of belonging to the province rather than their "culture". In many locations in Guangxi, Western and Northern Guangdong, Hakkas are named as the "Ngai" (pronoun for first person in Hakka) or "Makkai" (Hakka word for "what") people. In Jiangxi, only those Guangdong immigrants who came after the end of the Ming dynasty were recognized as "intruders", and they were named "Guanglao" (men from Guangdong) (Liu and Wan, 1992). These imply that the term "Hakka" was actually unknown or unpopular before Luo's theory was dispersed among the JDS areas.

In Taiwan, the history of Hakka identity movement is strikingly recent: adopted after its return to China in 1945 as a result of the promotion of Luo's theory. Evidence is given by dictionaries of Hakka compiled during the Japanese occupation period, were simply called "Guangdonghua" dictionaries. Since the democratization of the island in the eighties, Taiwanese JDS felt that their culture was being ignored when compared to the Minnan speakers, mainlanders and aboriginal groups. As a means to survive, the Hakka identity came to the foreground, because this cultural identity stretched across the borders. A united Hakka force may help them withstand the immense pressure of the Minnan culture.

D. The claim of being Tangren (唐人) by both Hakka and Cantonese

On the other hand, strong evidence for the tight links between the Hakka and Cantonese is that both claim the identity of Tangren, people of the Tang dynasty. In both dialects, Tangren means Chinese, and China is "Tangshan" (唐山). Non-Chinese are named "Fan" (), meaning barbarians. Only in these two dialect are the two terms used so much to represent their claim for "Chineseness", a shared cultural and linguistic phenomenon. Even if the "Tangren" concept is a myth, we are reminded that both groups sharing a common myth must also be sharing a common history.

As we can see, almost all Chinese groups claim themselves as being the most "genuine" Chinese. If genealogical records are not pure inventions, all Southerners also share a common migration history from the Central Plain. Then most Cantonese and some Minnan speakers are by Luo's definition "Hakka", as most of them are immigrants after the Song dynasty. This can also be shown by census data and county gazetteers. Therefore, the Hakka identity is clearly a result of the dispute between JDS and Cantonese at beginning of the Qing dynasty.

V. Hakka Identity today

I. Proud and ashamed to be Hakka

Hakka identity has now developed to such an extent that the word "Hakka" is regarded with pride in the area of Meizhou, the homeland of the migrated JDS. As these unmigrated JDS had not faced the difficulties and troubles of their migrated brothers into the Cantonese speaking areas, they accepted the whole story of Luo to gain a sense of superiority. Radiating from Meizhou as the hub, the sense of pride is spreading around into the "pure Hakka" speaking areas, and to regions where there are no obvious disputes between the JDS and their neighbors. For example, in Guangxi, Western Fujian and Sichuan, more and more JDS have recently formed "Hakka Associations" and claimed themselves "Hakka" (Hu et al, 1997).

Unfortunately, their migrated brothers had to pay for this "title", which cost them blood and life in the last century. They were discriminated against or faced danger when they confronted with the local Cantonese. Those who could not afford to pay the price for this title just gave it up, and assimilation was the rational choice. Therefore, in the mixed Hakka areas, especially those with Cantonese, Hakka identity is weakening or has totally disappeared. Only in areas where no dispute with other groups occurred, is the term "Hakka" becoming more and more popular among the JDS. Meanwhile, the Hakka Associations in Hong Kong and Taiwan are weakening their influence and less people want to have the label "Hakka" in order to gain harmony with the mainstream culture there.

One point worth mentioning is that there are still some Hakkaologists suggesting that the time of formation of the Jiaying dialect is the time of emergence of the Hakka (Wang, 1995), probably because they could not understand the sense of Hakka identity can be formed much later than when Jiaying dialect was spoken. The lack of a sense of Hakka identity among JDS in some parts of Guangdong and Guangxi today can illustrate this point clearly.

II. Hakka Identity Overseas

There are usually no disputes between the dialect groups of Chinese themselves in oversea settlements; instead the tension and lack of tension between the locals, plays a role. In most countries, the assimilation is complete within three generations, with the second generation as bilinguals. Before the spreading of Luo's version of Hakka history, all Hakka speakers, like other dialect group speakers, just simply viewed themselves as "Chinese", although their meanings for "Chineseness" may differ a bit in their contents.

As Luo's theory gained an audience overseas, some second or third generation Hakkas are also attracted by its grandeur, and began to claim themselves Hakka even they understand no word of their ancestral tongue. In some extreme cases, they even tried to learn to speak the language and practice its culture. Therefore, the theory may have some positive value for the unification of dispersed Hakka strengths. The fear is that when they find out on day that Luo's theory is only a self-deceptive illusion, the Hakka force may break altogether. It is high time that we changed the basis for the unity of Hakka.

III. Hakka Identity and Hakkaology

1. Hakka as a Subgroups Chinese

Once the dispute between the two related groups in Guangdong caused the awareness of the Hakka identity, Hakka people began to form an ethnic subgroup among the Han Chinese. They regarded themselves as the "purest" Chinese descendants, or at least more "Chinese" that the neighboring Cantonese and Minnan speakers. Luo's migration history was thought to be Hakka-only, thus degrading their neighbors to barbarians or semi-barbarians. Interestingly, this belief alone is enough to upgrade JDS into an ethnic subgroup.

Thus, the "chosen people theory" did help Hakka stand against the Cantonese speaking locals. Yet the claim that Hakka is the only "pure Chinese" creates more risks than advantages. Finally, when scientific data has shown that it is not the case, the whole basis for Hakka identity will be overthrown. To date, we have to point out that this is happening already. The newly built Hakka identity in various locations far away from the center of dispute will be embarrassed by the accumulation of more and more scientific data and historical findings. We hope that this will not cause the disintegration of the Hakka identity altogether.

2. Hakka dialect as a separate dialect

The direct result of the formation of the Hakka identity in the past two centuries was paralleled by the consciousness of a "Hakka dialect". As Luo's version of Hakka history entered most textbooks, most linguists also accepted the "Hakka theory" as a scientific basis when they began to classify Chinese dialects. Despite the striking similarities between Hakka, Gan and even Yue, they are misled by Luo's view in considering that these two dialects are of different origin. Therefore, many Hakka linguists are scratching their heads hard, to find, or even invent the differences between the two seemingly inseparable dialects (Norman, 1986; Deng, 1998; Wang, 1998). This, of course, has created some distinctions in which to divide the two groups of dialects. If these distinctions hold and we apply them to all Chinese, then the result would be more than 100 "dialects". Interestingly, mutual intelligibility is not a criterion. As Chinese dialectology is a relatively young science, the classification of dialects does not utilize the scientific methods that has been used for German and French, but has to rely on the "feeling" of the speakers and the linguists. Therefore, some scholars have advocated a more scientific way of classification using isoglosses (Iwata, 1995; Sagart, 1998). If so, then Hakka may have to be put together with Gan and perhaps also with Yue.

VI. Hakka Identity tomorrow - The need for a revised Hakka Identity

A. Justification of an Identity for Hakka

Although we emphasize that the Hakka identity does not stand up to scrutiny when we consider all the evidence, we still think that Hakka has justification for an identity. With it, Hakka should survive as a separate group to keep their own customs and language intact. In the past, when weaker groups came in contact with stronger groups, their culture often disappeared totally. In terms of cultural and linguistic preservation, this means a loss forever. Only when the two groups in contact strongly recognized themselves as two separate identities, could the cultures co-exist side by side, but sometimes the price may be loss of social harmony and casualties may arise out of this. The conflict might be more sharpened especially when the education levels of both groups are low.

In our opinion, every culture is the crystallization of the wisdom of our ancestors. Therefore, no culture should be lost due to neglect. There are thousands of different accents in Guangdong, which reflect the different layers of linguistic changes. The overall linguistic and cultural pictures are far from complete. We need every minute to preserve more dialects and customs so as to understand the developmental history of Chinese dialects. Keeping Hakka identity is a good means for keeping the Jiaying dialect intact.

1. Hakka should retain their language and culture and be proud of their culture

We have discussed how Hakkas were forced to into an identity to separate themselves from a region of differing dialect groups in Guangdong that lead to the groups engaging in bloody conflicts because of land disputes. The claim by other dialect groups that Hakka were barbarians was countered successfully by Hakka scholars due to a misunderstanding of historical facts, but nevertheless begun the events towards Hakka consciousness and a Hakka identity as put forward by Luo. Therefore, Hakka identity, over the past few decades, has been a useful force in preserving the Hakka language and culture. The pride for their language and culture protected Hakka from being assimilated to stronger groups like Cantonese and Minnan speakers, although this is not true for Hakkas in Hong Kong, in the PRD and some parts of Taiwan. This is much better than the situation of Siyi (四邑), speakers of an accent other than Cantonese, but in the course of time has be slowly assimilating to Cantonese because of the absence of a distinct identity. The main reason is that they began to consider themselves as a subgroup of Cantonese and try to introduce Cantonese as their high language. The Hakka identity can prevents the same story happening, therefore it has a positive value, but we also want it to be consistent with historical facts. Only when the Hakka identity is based on scientific data can Hakka ensure survival forever. Hakka people should be proud of their identity because they help to keep a piece of Chinese culture, not because they are superior to other Chinese.

2. Hakka needs respect and Hakka should respect other groups

Today, the main reason why Hakka cannot keep their language and culture intact in a society of mixed cultures nowadays is that Hakka is seen as somehow backwards, due to the influence of modern socio-economic pressures of the media which use other dialects (mainly Cantonese in Hong Kong, Mandarin on the Mailand and Minnan in Taiwan) and mainstream life.

In the past JDS were misunderstood as barbarians, and the retaliation was that they invented the Hakka identity to rebuff that and counterclaim that their neighbors were the barbarians. This is not the correct way to conduct relationships between brother subgroups under the roof of Han Chinese. When Chinese people can understand that we can be different in the accents, customs, religion and other cultural aspects because of historical and geographical backgrounds, and begin to respect the other's language and way of life, then Chinese can enter a more advanced state of civilization.

In the past, we have always tried to convince other people that our own way is the correct one and that other people should learn from us. When JDS migrants became named "Hakka" by the Cantonese, the intention was to degrade them as non-Chinese. Therefore the Cantonese subscribed to the view that they were somehow right. On the contrary, when Hakka decided to picked up on the use of this name, their aims were just the same. The deriding of other groups as barbarians or half barbarians followed. It is now time for us to interpret "Hakka" correctly, and that our understanding of Hakka is objective and scientific.

B. Hakka should understand their history in a correct way

The flaw with the present theory for Hakka identity is that Hakka will not be able to gain the respect of other groups because the Hakka identity excludes and belittles other groups. The story is too naive to be convincing to others: it contradicts the molecular genetics data, historical fact and simple logic. Unfortunately, most Hakkas so identifying themselves are attracted by Luo's "chosen people theory", that they are purer form of Chinese than others. The discontent between Hakka and other neighboring groups will persist. Some Hakka are unhappy to know that they share the same genes with Cantonese, and both tongues split off just about 700 years ago. Strictly speaking, almost all Cantonese can fit Luo's definition of "Hakka" if we only judge their migration to Guangdong within the last millenium. Of course, no Cantonese speakers will accept this also because "Hakka" is a derogatory term they have given to the "Eastern barbarians". As a result, the brotherly relationship between the two groups is spoiled by a series of misunderstanding, even though only these two groups claim to be descendants of Tang. The claim is consistent with the genetic relationship between the two groups. If Hakka came from the Central Plains, then they did not came alone. The fact that Hakka, Cantonese and other groups are true "brothers" has been shown clearly by molecular genetics and linguistics.

C. A clarified Hakka Identity helps understand the Chinese dialectology

When the enigma of "Hakka" is solved, we can return, then, to a normal picture of Chinese dialectology. In the past, Hakka was thought to be a branch of the northern dialects stretching down into the south because of the series of migratory motions described by Luo. The neighboring groups, like Cantonese and Min, were thought to be southern for more than two thousand years. However, modern linguistic findings are contradictory to this view, because Hakka has an initial (聲母) system halfway between that of Cantonese and Minnan, and a rime (韻母) system characteristic of the south. The vocabulary of Hakka also shares a lot of lexicons with the southern minorities (Lau, 1998). JDS, Cantonese and some Southern Min, therefore, began migration from the Central Plains at the end of the Tang dynasty, and reached the south in the Song dynasty. They all fit the definition of "Hakka" in broad sense, and the creation of a "Hakka" identity is recent and artificial. This explains their basic linguistic similarities. If Hakka is no more different from the other groups, then a new view of Hakka is needed, namely a bridge between Gan and Cantonese rather than a barrier between them.

Note 1: From personal communication with Dr. Tsao SW and Dr. Veronica Lam, both molecular pathologists at Medical faculty, Hong Kong University.

 

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